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Gas in deep sea, offshore areas
Staff Correspondent
To face the serious energy crisis, the government will
begin seismic survey in the deep sea and offshore areas of
the country through foreign companies for exploration of
fresh gas and oil. The government will invite tenders
within February 15 and is likely to give work order by
October this year for exploration of gas and oil in the
deep sea and offshore areas as it is committed to
exploring every possible source of energy.
Following the approval of draft of Production Sharing
Contract (PSC) for offshore oil-and-gas exploration in the
deep sea and offshore areas, the Ministry of Power and
Energy is preparing for the work. On Tuesday, the Council
of Advisers approved the model PSC formulated for
exploring oil and gas and decided to lease out 27 blocks
to the foreign companies.
"Tender will be offered to the international gas and oil
companies for exploration of gas and oil in 20 blocks in
the deep sea and seven in offshore areas of about 1,0,5000
square kilometers in the bay of Bengal for 25 years. The
contract between the government and the international
companies will be completed by August. After completion of
the procedure of contract, joint management comprising
Petrobangla and the representatives from the foreign
companies will start seismic work," competent sources
said.
The sources said on the basis of contract, the foreign
companies will be compelled to explore wells within two
years. A total of 35 articles, which cover exploration
areas, working scopes, conditions, tax and VAT, guarantee,
amendments and share with the Government, are included in
the contract.
The present gas reserves, estimated at 8.3 trillion cubic
feet (TCF), may be exhausted before 2011, sources in the
Ministry of Energy and Mineral resources said. Gas
initially in place reserve is estimated 21.265 TCF, proven
15.40 TCF, probable 8.322 TCF and possible 7.90 TCF.
Gas demand has increased by 250-300 million cubic feet per
day (MMCFD) in the last few years. The present average gas
demand is over 1700, million cubic feet per day
occasionally picking up to about 1750. On the other hand,
the present production capacity from 60 to 65 wells of 12
producing gas field is 1700 million cubic feet per day.
Around ninety per cent of the power plants of the country
are fired by gas and many industries and factories are
also based on this resource. Power plants consume 42 per
cent, fertliser factories 14 per cent and the rest 44 per
cent are being used by the industries, factories and
domestic purposes.
According to the Gas Sector Master Plan (GSMP) financed by
the World Bank, the gas reserves discovered and proved
till 2006, would be able to fulfil the medium scale demand
by 2011-12. But the government will have to take various
initiatives including investigation for exploring new gas
fields to ensure smooth supply of gas by 2015. Some 24 TCF
gas will have to be discovered for meeting the growing
demand by the year 2015. Some 7.7 billion US dollars will
be invested to explore gas field, the sources added.
Draft of coal policy soon
Staff Correspondent
The government is working to revise the country’s
energy policy to meet the growing demand for power and
energy and the draft of a coal policy will be finalised
soon.
This was stated by the Energy and Mineral Resource
Secretary Mohammad Mohsin while talking to reporters after
attending a roundtable on ‘Energy Alternatives for
Bangladesh’ at the Jatiya Press Club on Wednesday.
Replying to a question, the Energy Secretary said, "the
Government is frustrated as the energy and power supply is
not growing proportionately in line with the increased
demands." Mohsin said the offshore bidding will start in
the next dry season.
Earlier, speaking as the Chief Guest, the Energy Secretary
said, "the energy and power demand is rising by 6% per
year. The Government has been going up for further
exploration of gas and coal to boost up the energy sector
in a bid to meet the increased demands as soon as
possible."
Country’s mineral resource affairs magazine named ‘The
Energy and Power’ organized the roundtable in
collaboration with GTZ, where ADB country director Hua Du
spoke as guest of honor. Hua Du urged the government to
take urgent measures to ensure the growing demand of power
and energy utilising the conventional resources like coal
and gas. She said, "before applying any method of coal
mining in any place, the government should discuss with
the local people to ensure the mutual benefits of all
sections."
The ADB country director suggested the government to use
the hydro-power to fulfill the increased demand for
electricity through cooperation among neighbouring
countries.
Former Director of Petrobangla Muinul Ahsan said the
Government should finalize the coal policy as early as
possible and it must go into coal mining immediately to
solve the energy crisis. He also proposed to import gas
from Myanmar. They cautioned that if the Government fails
to take immediate steps to find alternatives energy, the
country will face a serious energy crisis by the end of
year 2011.
BIDS Director Mohammad Asaduzzaman presented the keynote
paper on ‘Energy Alternatives for Bangladesh’ at the
roundtable with the Power and Energy Editor, Mollah Amzad
Hossain, in the chair.
Speakers blamed the government for the energy crisis
saying, "Managing inefficiency by the bureaucrats and
habit of politicizing everything is responsible for the
crisis." All discussants said the Government has to look
for sources of alterative energy immediately and it also
should work closely with the development partners to find
solutions to the energy crisis. They said the government
should set up coal-based power plants in lieu of gas based
-plants as the cost of power generation by using coal is
cheaper than gas.
Former Energy Secretary Quamrul Ahmed Siddique said the
per capita income of the people of country’s western areas
is lower than the people living in eastern parts, because
all the industrial establishments are located in the
eastern areas where gas is available. He calls upon the
government to formulate an ‘energy efficiency act’ like
India for the maximum use of the country’s reserved
mineral resources.
Corruption engulfs BTEB
Sheikh Didarul Islam
Bangladesh Technical Education Board (BTEB) is plagued
with widespread corruption and irregularities causing
endless sufferings to the students, teachers and officials
of the technical colleges and institutions.
In spite of taking different steps by the relevant
authorities to rid the education board of all sorts of
corruption and irregularities, all efforts to ensure
dynamism and effectiveness in the office are in vain,
because, a well-organised group of a section of
unscrupulous board officials and employees have been
dominating the office for long.
Intentional delay in releasing files from one office to
another and one table to another seriously hampers the
academic and other activities in the country’s polytechnic
colleges, technical institutes and vocational training
centres, a principal of an institute in Dhaka alleged
while talking to this correspondent.
Sources said, a huge number of students who passed the
Agricultural Diploma Examination in the year 2005 and
Secondary School Certificate(Vocational) Examination in
2007 have not been able yet to get admitted into any
educational institution or join any offices as the board
authorities have not given them their mark sheets and
certificates.
Some students alleged, they failed to avail themselves of
the opportunity to join a multinational agro-products
manufacturing company as they could not receive their
Agricultural Diploma Certificates from the education board
over the last three years.
Four students of Chittagong Polytechnic College said,
tried their best to receive their mark sheets and
certificates of the SSC (Vocational) Examination in 2007
over the last one year to get admitted into colleges and
other academic institutions for higher education. But they
could not get their relevant academic papers from the
board as a result of negligence of the corrupt officials.
When contacted, a high official of the education board
said on condition of anonymity, it is true that the
education board is in grip of a handful of corrupt
officials resulting in disgrace to all the board officials
and employees.
Bird flu spreading fast
Staff Correspondent
Chief Adviser’s special assistant Manik Lal Samaddar
claimed that the outbreak of bird flu is under control but
in fact bird flu is spreading fast across the country. The
bird flu has so far spread to 37 districts since March
2007 and a total of 4,61,311 chickens have been culled
across the country, said the special assistant while
addressing newsmen on bird flu situation at the conference
room of the Livestock Ministry on Wednesday.
Avian bird flu has taken a serious turn in the capital as
dead bodies of different birds including crows have been
found laying on the ground of Ramna Park and Suhrawardy
Uddyan, sources said. Asked how bird flu is still under
control of the government as 37 districts have already
been affected by bird flu, the Special Assistant answered,
"The bird flu is under control and we are trying to
control it". In the face of repeated queries from
journalists, he mentioned that 35 lakh chickens have been
culled in West Bengal of India whereas the number of
culling chickens in Bangladesh is 4,61,311.
Asked whether the city corporation has banned selling of
chickens through vendors in the capital, Md. Alauddin,
Chief Executive of the DCC, said, "We have not taken such
a decision".
The Special Assistant urged the country through media not
to panic due to alarming spread of bird flu as various
steps have been taken by the Government to check the
outbreak of bird flu.
BTV and Bangladesh radio is airing various programmes to
make people of the bird flu, he said, adding livestock and
health departments at the field level are holding
discussions to create mass awareness of the effect of bird
flu among the common people and city corporations are also
launching mass awareness programmes.
He also said the Government is setting up spray points at
entry points of every district. Under private initiative,
spray activities to check bird flu are being operated at
entry points of Roads and Highways, he added.
Health directorate has kept isolation wards ready in all
district hospitals including 12 hospitals, the Special
Assistant informed, adding there are sufficient anti-viral
drugs in all districts. He said the health directorate has
not got the presence of bird flu by examining blood of 823
people across the country. Meanwhile, the government has
compensated a total of Tk. 1 crore and 27 lakh, he
informed. Asked whether all affected poultry farm owners
are getting compensation, the Special Assistant said all
are getting and "we have sufficient money provided by the
World Bank".
As per recommendation of the district committee, the
compensation money is being given within seven days after
the culling. Besides, the rate of compensation has also
been raised, he said adding local chickens have been
raised to Tk. 95 from 80 while the poultry chickens of 12
weeks have been raised to 90 from 70. Earlier, the
compensation was not given to those poultry owners whose
fowls were culled above 5,000. Now the compensation will
be given to the affected poultry farms irrespective of
number.
Process of unification in BNP
Taib Ahmed
Once again the
process of unification in the bifurcated BNP on Wednesday
took a dramatic turn when Khaleda Zia-appointed Secretary
General went into hiding ostensibly to avoid pressure to
meet reformists acting Chairperson M Saifur Rahman.
There was a rumour throughout yesterday that Khondoker
Delwar Hossain might visit the Gulshan residence of M
Saifur Rahman to discuss the reconciliation process. A key
loyalist, seeking anonymity, told The Bangladesh Today,
"There is a growing pressure on Delwar Hossain to meet
Saifur Rahman aiming at reuniting the factions from an
influential quarter, otherwise he might be arrested."
According to sources, the reformist camp has become
desperate to merge into the mainstream party before
February 12 while the loyalist faction is trying hard and
soul to avoid any reconciliation until the February 12 the
day the High Court will deliver its judgment in the writ
lodged by Begum Khaleda Zia against the Election
Commission’s invitation to Major (retd) Hafizuddin Ahmed.
The pro-Khaleda leaders and activists believe that the HC
verdict would come in favour of them and they think if the
HC’s order comes against the EC’s invitation, the
reformist will have nothing to say and they will have to
merge with the mainstream relinquishing all their past
activities.
Sources said, Saifur Rahman tried several times to talk
over phone to Khondoker Delwar Hossain on Monday and
Tuesday, but Delwar did not receive his phone calls.
Earlier on Monday night, Khondoker Delwar Hossain and Maj
(retd) Haifzuddin Ahmed had to become face to face in a
dinner party thrown by the charge d’affairs of the US
embassy in Dhaka, Geeta Passi, at her residence. But they
did not talk about the issue of party reconciliation.
Delwar just asked Hafiz as to "why are you making the
matters complex? Can you not come in a straight path?"
Meanwhile, the gap between Khondoker Delwar and a group of
ex-MPs created over the statement of Khaleda’s attorney
Mahbub Uddin Khokon has apparently been bridged in a
meeting between the party Secretary General and ex-MPs
under the leadership of Mohammad Shahjahan on Tuesday
night.
HC scraps illegal Azam case
BDNEWS24, Dhaka
The High Court on Wednesday scrapped an extortion case
against former prime minister Sheikh Hasina after ruling
illegal its trial under emergency powers rules.
The verdict is deemed crucial as it is expected to
determine the fate of other similar cases marked for trial
under emergency powers rules in a controversial move
denying the accused the right to seek bail. But the legal
battle is far from over, as the government moved just as
quickly to file an appeal urging the Appellate Division to
halt the High Court verdict. After the judgment, defence
lawyer barrister Rafiq-ul Haque told reporters, "The law
has prevailed. The High Court has cancelled the extortion
case against Sheikh Hasina."
The defence argued that the incident that allegedly had
taken place years before the state of emergency had been
declared could not be brought under the emergency rules. A
case taken under the cover of emergency rules means the
accused lose the right to seek bail. The verdict is set to
seal the fate of other cases pressed under similar
circumstances. The court on July 30 ordered the government
to explain why the case should not be declared illegal
after the writ petition had been filed. On Tuesday,
Hasina's lawyers said the trial court no longer had
confidence in the judge conducting trial of the same case
and wanted a new court to run the proceedings.
The defence lawyers said they doubted metropolitan
sessions judge Md Azizul Haque would give a fair trial.
They also accused him of bias and circumventing proper
legal procedures at the trial and were preparing to
petition the High Court to shift the case from the
Metropolitan Sessions Judge's Court set up on the
parliament complex. The defence said they were not
convinced that the court was in a position to deliver
justice. "We have decided to file an appeal with the High
Court for transfer of the case to any other court,"
defence lawyer Syed Rezaur Rahman told the court. "We have
submitted the application notifying our intention," he
said. Judge Haque heard the arguments by both sides and
adjourned the trial until Feb 11. The defence's doubts
about a fair trial brewed Monday after the court turned
down a request to delete the deposition of plaintiff Azam
J Chowdhury from the records. Judge Azizul Haque suspended
the proceedings and abruptly left the courtroom amid a
brawl between the defence and the prosecution. The defence
argued that Azam's deposition had been completed on Jan 30
and that recording the plaintiff's deposition afresh
Monday had been illegal. They also argued that the
government had skipped filing an appeal in writing for
recording Azam's testimony afresh.
Bus terminals in mess
Ainul Haque Royal
Misconduct by the transport workers and porters and the
presence of criminals, armed extortionists, unauthorized
vendors, pickpockets, snatchers and beggars in city’s
three inter-district bus terminals create a disgusting
atmosphere everyday leading to harassment and suffering of
the passengers.
As soon as the present caretaker government assumed power
all the bad elements left the bus terminals. Passengers
had heaved a relief of sigh as they did not have to suffer
by these elements. But within a span of two to three
months, they have returned and became active in the name
so called Dhaka Road Transport Association.
On the other hand, in the face of massive crackdown
launched by the joint forces on the three bus terminals-Gabtoli,
Saidabad and Mohakhali, the criminals and armed
extortionists had left the premises of terminals. But now
they have started reorganising and extorting toll from the
transport owners, employees and hawkers under the very
nose of law enforcers. This correspondent visiting the
terminal on Wednesday found anarchic situations are
prevailing in and around the terminals.
As soon as a passenger arrives at the bus terminal, he or
she falls prey to the porters, backed by the transport
workers and the members of powerful labour organisations.
They start dragging the passengers to buses. They also
force the passengers to pay for carrying their luggage.
Vendors are selling different items causing irritation of
the passengers. They move from one bus to another and sell
their goods with high prices. The terminal authorities who
have been given the lease of toilets are virtually
exploiting the passengers; they charge much more. The
toilets are now in a pitiable condition and always remain
dirty.
According to transport owners and staffs the bus terminals
are witnessing very poor turnout of passengers.
"Around one thousand vehicles with 75 thousand seats leave
the Mohakhali bus terminal everyday. But there is very
poor turnover of passengers against the seats capacity for
the last two months. For this reason the staff and
employee of the different bus services start dragging the
passengers to buses," Asif a staff of a Netrokona-bound
Green Line bus service said while talking to this
correspondent at Mahakhali bus stand.
Counter masters, Imam Hasan, of Rafraf enterprise and
Ibrahim Azad, of SM travels said the transport business
has been facing a serious set back as the people are not
leaving capital in large scale due to financial hardship.
An official of Mahakhali police camp said, the law and
order situation of the bus terminal is now under control.
In a bid to reduce criminal activities, police with the
help of RAB personnel are continuously raiding in and
around the terminal and arrested around 30 criminals
including snatchers, muggers and activists of aggyan party
in the last three months. Despite the massive drive
against criminals, a section of corrupt people with the
help of former transport businessmen formed an
organisation named ‘Dhaka Sarak Paribahan’. In the name of
the organisation, they are collecting money silently from
vendors, hawkers, tea stole owners and different bus
counters, counter masters of the terminal told this
correspondent.
BD, US joint exercises this year
BSS, Dhaka
Bangladesh and US troops are to stage four joint
exercises this year under a series of annual military
training drills called "Buffalo Exercises", a US embassy
press release said in Dhaka Wednesday.
The first two exercises will be participated by Bangladesh
army and paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) with the US
army while Bangladesh Air Force and Navy will take part in
the next two exercises with the US troops.
The first Buffalo exercise of 2008, to be called Balance
Buffalo 08-1, will take place in Sylhet through the month
of February when Bangladesh and US army units will focus
on military to military exchange, interoperability and
infantry tactics.
"This training is one of the many joint activities
conducted by the US Armed Forces and the Bangladesh
military. Our militaries have worked in partnership for
humanitarian assistance and medical training and have also
conducted air and naval exercises as well," the press
release said.
Back Page
BTMA urges EU
not to
introduce new GSP
Staff
Correspondent
Bangladesh Textile Mills
Association (BTMA) on Wednesday urged the European Union (EU)
not to introduce new Generalised System of Preference (GSP)
for importing fabrics from foreign countries for the
export oriented garments of Bangladesh.
"If the new GSP is introduced, readymade garment export
may increase for the time being but in the long run it
will have adverse impact on this vital sector as the
owners of the garment factories will have to import fabric
from abroad. If the new GSP is implemented, no fabric will
be manufactured locally" the owners of the textile mills
said at roundtable on proposed GSP held at Hotel Radisson
in the city.
They have also called upon the EU Headquarter in Brussels
to consider the issue sympathetically as since
independence, the EU has been extending all possible help
to Bangladesh to promote trade and developments and in
line with that the EU introduced a perception of "Trade,
not Aid" by introducing a GSP in 1971 allowing export from
LDCs to entire EU duty-free.
Sighting disaster in the garment sector in Sri Lanka and
Mauritius, the textile mills owners expressing grave
concern said theses two countries are facing a serious
setback as they do not produce fabric locally.
Kevin Ringham from British High Commission, Isolde Rausch
from German Embassy, Luigi Noia from Italian Embassy,
Fritz Meijndent and Saskia Bezoen from Netherlands
Embassy, IB Albertsen from Danish Embassy and local
textile owners were present at the roundtable.
"Proposed change in Rules of Origin will open floodgates
inputs of developing countries to enter into LDCs and
spill over the benefits of GSP to developing countries.
This will negatively impact the industrialisation process
and will negate the basic principles of sustainability of
development under the preferential trading scheme," said
BTMA President Abdul Hai Sarker.
He said BTMA prefers to have two-stage transformation
criteria to continue up to 2015.
"However, if derogation of the existing Rules of Origin is
to be made by value added criteria then we suggest a
timeframe for implementation of the proposed derogation in
the Rules of Origin. A time extension will definitely
allow mills in the PTS to readjust their work plan to
adopt the proposed change," BTMA President said urging the
EU to continue the current two-stage GSP rules allowing
manufacturing garment with local fabrics.
A Matin Chowdhury, former President of BTMA, said if the
new GSP is introduced, Bangladesh would not be able to
sustain in the global market.
"Any change in the basics of the Rules of Origin may
jeopardize the huge investment and the whole chain of
textile and clothing industry. Two-stage transformation
has not only given free access of LDC's product to the EU
but also been an ideal model in LDCs for taking control of
their own export and sustainability including protection
to investment in PTS," Matin said. On the basis of the
existing EU GSP concept, Bangladesh has invested heavily
in the backward linkage textile industries based on
two-stage transformation Rules of Origin (ROO). Investment
to the tune of 3 billion dollar has been made in PTS and
number of mills sprung from 76 in 1972 to 289 by 2007,
having 6.2 million spindles.
Charles Whiteley, First Secretary to the European
Commission, said the demand for not introducing new GSP is
logical for Bangladesh and it would be placed before the
EU Headquarters for consideration.
"Apart from BTMA, Bangladesh government should negotiate
the burning issue with the EU to resolve the matter,"
Charles Whiteley added.
Remittances from ex-pats
Staff Correspondent
The government should formulate proper strategies to
enable Bangladesh to earn an annual remittances of 30
billion dollars by the year 2015 by exploiting the full
range of the global opportunities in manpower export.
This was observed by speakers at a seminar on "Strategy
for Increasing Annual Migrant Remittances," organised by
Bangladesh Enterprise Institute at its office in the city
on Tuesday, 05 February, 2008.
Bangladeshi expatriates have been facing lots of problems
at home and abroad for long as there is no labour export
policy in the country while many developing countries earn
billions of foreign currencies every year by integrating
migration and manpower export policies to enable their
expatriates to compete in the ever-expanding and highly
competitive global market and cope with the other migrant
workers abroad, they observed. More than 40 lakh
Bangladeshis are now working abroad and about 3 lakh
Bangladeshis join the migrant workforce every year.
Currently, Bangladesh earns over 8.80 billion dollars from
manpower export. Of this, the country receives around 4.80
billion dollars annually through official channel and over
4.00 billion dollars through unofficial channels. But the
total inflow of remittances to recipient countries only
through official channels was at least 268 billion dollars
in 2006.
Despite being an important supplier of manpower to many
countries including developed ones, Bangladesh accounts
for about 3 percent of the global annual remittance
income, said the speakers .
Calling for developing the manpower export industry as one
of the growth drivers of Bangladesh's economy, Bangladesh
has an edge over many other developing countries in its
abundance of human resources. To ensure decent and quality
employment for the Bangladeshi migrants, with maintaining
good networking with the governments and organizations of
the countries where the Bangladeshi expatriates are likely
to work, the government should collaborate extensively
with all the stakeholders, the manpower exporters,
educational and training institutions and banking and
financial institutions and overseas employers.
Kamran, Minu to face ACC cases: Abbas, Loby, Falu to be
charge sheeted
UNB, Dhaka
The Anti-Corruption Commission has decided to file cases
against detained Sylhet mayor Badruddin Kamran for
acquiring wealth beyond known sources of income and
against Rajshahi mayor Mizanur Rahman Minu for
misappropriating government rice and CI sheets.
The anti-graft watchdog also decided to submit charge
sheets in cases against detained former minister Mirza
Abbas, and former BNP MPs Ali Asgar Loby and Mosaddek Ali
Falu.
According to ACC sources, the Commission in its meeting
Wednesday approved the filing of cases against the two
mayors and the submission of charge sheet against the
others.
ACC deputy director Nasir Uddin will file a case with
Sylhet Kotwali police station against Sylhet City
Corporation mayor Badruddin Ahmed Kamran and his wife Asma
Kamran for acquiring wealth worth about Tk 2.16 crore
beyond their known sources of income.
"The first information report (FIR) was filed Wednesday
night. If it is not possible, the FIR will be filed
Thursday morning," a competent source said.
The case was filed under section 27(1) of the
Anti-Corruption Commission Act, 2004 and section 109 of
the Penal Code.
A case was filed in Rajshahi against Rajshahi City
Corporation mayor Mizanur Rahman Minu and six others for
misappropriating Tk 50 lakh by selling government rice and
CI sheets.
The Commission has decided to submit charge sheet against
detained former BNP MP Mosaddek Ali Falu and his wife
Mahbuba Sultana for concealing information and acquiring
wealth worth about Tk 26 crore beyond their known sources
of income.
ACC assistant director Rahela Khatun filed a case with the
Motijheel police station against the couple on July 8,
2007.
A charge sheet will be submitted in the case against
detained former BNP minister Mirza Abbas, imprisoned
former BNP MP Ali Asgar Loby and Mahfuzul Islam, a former
bureaucrat, for corruption in illegally awarding a plot in
Tejgaon Industrial area.
ACC deputy director Syed Iqbal Hossain filed the case with
Shahbag police station on July 15, 2007.
Crime Watch
RAB arrests 5 in capital
Staff Correspondent
Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) arrested seven people
including three robbers and recovered a huge amount of
date-expired medicines and gold ornaments from their
possession from different parts of the capital on
Wednesday.
Acting on a tip-off, a patrol team of RAB-10 led by major
Russel raided two medicine shops at Mitford Habib Market
at about 2:00 pm and recovered a huge amount of
date-expired and illegally imported medicines and sex
stimulating drugs worth about Tk 50 lakh.
RAB personnel also arrested Kamol Bormon, owner of Simanto
Drug, and Biplob Sarkar, of Mamun Medicine Centre in this
connection.
Earlier on Tuesday night, on the basis of secret
information, a team of RAB-11 team raided a house at
Paltan at about 11 pm and recovered a huge amount of voice
over internet protocol (VoIP) equipment worth about Tk 50
lakh. Golam Rabbani, 35 and Rabiul Islam (36), were
arrested in this connection.
Besides, acting on a tip-off, a patrol team of RAB-2 led
by major Munjurul went to Indira road at about 9 pm and
arrested Masud (25), Zahirul (26) and Alomgir (30). Around
16 bhories of stolen gold ornaments were recovered from
their possession.
Murder in Manikganj, 3 held
A Correspondent, Manikganj
Members of Rapid Action Battalion (RAB)-4 arrested three
persons from Chotail village under Dhamrai Poliee Station
in the city on Sunday night in the connection of Rupali
Bank Manager Murder and !k-15 lakh looting in Manikganj,
Harlier the policemen also arrested nine persons from
deferent, areas in deferent times.
The arrcstees are Khalilur Rahman, 26, son of Hclal Uddin,
Sahj Lkidtn, 21, son of llasan All and Ariful Islam, 19,
son of Abdur Rahirn, all of Chotail village under Dhamrai
Police Station in the city.
Rab-4 sources said, they arrested the three by an
operation at the village tit around 7:00 pm and taken to
the Rab-4 custody and later handed them over to the
Singair Poliee Station yesterday (Tuesday) noon.
Lt Commander of Rab-4 Ariful Islam told the newsmen that
they found confessional statement from the arrestecs. A
gang of 14 members look pan in the killing and looting
operation, he said,
Earlier the policemen arrested nine persons from deferent
areas in previous time, Police Superintendent Imtiaz Ahmed
said.
Arrested Abul llossain Khan Maruf gave the four names to
police who were the killing mission. Khali 1 is one of
them, he added. Robbers killed Moniruzzaman Khan, manager
of the Rupali Banks Bmra Branch in Singaire and looted tk
15 lakhs from in at Garadia under Singair police station
in Manikganj.
Fake RAB busted
Staff Correspondent
A fake Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) official was arrested
by police from Sutrapur on Tuesday night in the capital
while he was taking toll from businessman Awlad Hossain.
The arrestee, identified as Masudur Rahman Masud, 38, son
of Abdul Mannan of Barisal district, impersonating a RAB
official used to collect money from innocent people.
Awlad Hossain in his petition said, "Masud issued me life
threat if I fail to meet his demand for Tk two lakh."
"After receiving the life threat, I myself paid Tk one
lakh and 70 thousand and asked him to meet me on Tuesday
afternoon for the rest of money. As per information, Masud
was caught red-handed while receiving money at my shop at
about 9:30 pm. Later, he was handed over to Sutrapur
police," said Awlad.
A case was lodged.
Husband slaughters wife
UNB, Chapainawabganj
A housewife was slaughtered allegedly by her husband at
Harishpur village in Sadar upazila early Wednesday.
Police said Sentu, who married Parul one year back,
slaughtered his wife following a family feud at about 1:30
am.
Sentu went into hiding soon after killing Parul (20). A
case was filed.
Youth shot dead
UNB, Natore
Miscreants gunned down an unidentified young man near
Ninguine Bridge in Singra upazila early Wednesday.
Police said local people found the bullet hit body of the
young man in the morning and informed them.
Later, police recovered the body and sent it to hospital
morgue for autopsy.
Police suspected that the miscreants abducted him from
elsewhere following a previous enmity and shot him dead.
8 get life-term
BSS, Gazipur
A court here today sentenced eight persons to life-term
rigorous imprisonment for murder and fined them Tk 10,000
each in default to suffer another six months in jail.
Additional sessions judge SM Rezaul Karim announced the
verdict in a crowded court.
The convicts are, Mohammad Ali (60), Moslem Uddin (35),
Shahiduzzaman (50), Elias Khan (57), Hobi Bepari (60),
Shahar Ali (40), Abdus Salek (25), and Shahjahan (25).
However, another accused in this case Monir Hossain (60),
died during proceedings of the case. The accused killed
Lal Miah of Banshbari village under Sripur upazila in the
district in 2003 over a land dispute. Victim's son Khairul
Islam lodged the case with Sripur police station.
After hearing the both sides, and examining documents and
witnesses, the judge pronounced the verdict.
Five bandits held
UNB, Bagerhat
Elite force RAB arrested five forest bandits and recovered
18 firearms and 300 bullets from Majhirchar of Sundarbans
in Sharankhola upazila on Tuesday.
RAB sources said they arrested Rafiqul Islam, member of
notorious 'Nasir Bahini' from the capital city Tuesday
morning.
According to his confessional statement they also arrested
his four accomplices Masud Sheikh, Alam Sheikh, Idris Ali
and Saleh Ahmed from Khulna in the evening.
Later, following their confessional statements RAB troops
recovered the different types of sophisticated firearms,
including rifles, pistols, pipe guns, LGs and bullets.
RAB said the arrested forest bandits were wanted in a
number of murder, robbery, abduction and other criminal
cases.
Meanwhile, police in separate combing operations, arrested
54 people on charge of various allegations and seized a
firearm, six rounds of bullet and 10 small packets of
heroin in the district on Tuesday night. Police said they
started the special drive from Tuesday morning aiming at
arresting the terrorists and seizing arms and drugs. Some
800 policemen took part in the drive.
Seven persons nabbed
BSS, Brahmanbaria
Police arrested seven persons from different parts of the
district on Tuesday. Police said, the arrested persons are
Kara Mia, 60, Nayeb Ali (35), Jweel (40), Javed (26) ,Siraj
(35), Judge Mia (45), Yeasin (22), from the same village
Shimrail kandi in Puniaut area of the district.
They were accused of different cases including snatching.
Muggers snatch Tk 6.20 lakh
UNB, Sylhet
Muggers in broad daylight on Monday took away Tk 6 lakh,
one-month salary of 84 employees of Biswanath Upazila
Health Complex, at Nakikhali area of the upazila.
Police quoting local people said a gang of three
snatchers, came by a motorcycle, intercepted cashier Abdul
Jalil and Fani Bhushan of the health complex at the point
at noon when they were returning to the office by a
motorcycle drawing the salary of Tk 6,20,063 from Sonali
Bank Biswanath branch.
The snatchers took away the money from Jalil and Fani
Bhushan at gunpoint and fled away without any resistance.
Editorial
Reforms, Politics
& Elections
we
perceive and how we process and structure politics, better
governance which will channel benefits – economic and social –
to the people will be impossible as the history of the last 37
years prove. According to such opinions, changes, if
necessary, must be “enforced” right away by the Emergency
Government through such state structures as the EC before
considering the lifting of Emergency and calling for
elections, otherwise things would revert to as “they were” as
soon as elections are over.
Meanwhile the CEC had a lengthy discussion with the Chief
Adviser regarding the elections. Although the CEC did not
disclose details, his comments were good enough to indicate
the general trends of the talks; the EC wants a relaxation or
lifting of the Emergency so that it can go ahead with its
programs for holding the polls starting with the City
Corporation elections. The Emergency Government however,
besides reiterations of its intentions of holding the polls by
end of 2008 has not committed itself to any deadlines or
conditions for lifting the Emergency and for allowing the
free-play of politics. The Emergency Government’s much
advertised dialogue with political parties also seems to have
gone into cold-storage. Perhaps the Government feels that it
needs to garner in its fast eroding public support before
sitting down for bargaining with the politicians who now seems
to have seized the initiative and are in a much more stronger
position vis-a-vis the government as far as public perceptions
are concerned. Therefore, the Emergency Government’s belated
emphasis on revitalizing the rural-agricultural economy,
through which it hopes to turn around public support in its
favour. Then of course, there is the Government’s concern
about ensuring that the process of prosecution of corrupt
politicians is completed before the Emergency is lifted and
election ensue. All in all, one does not see any prospects of
dialogues with politicians and relaxation or lifting of
Emergency before the end of August 2008, notwithstanding
persuasion by foreign powers such as the USA and EU.
Combating Bird flu
Bird
flu or avian influenza has taken a very alarming turn forcing
the Dhaka City Corporation on Tuesday to ban the sale of live
poultry to check the spread of the disease in the city. The
Advisory Council of the caretaker government also on the same
day focused on preventive measures and creating public
awareness to arrest further spread of avian influenza in the
country.
The steps were taken against the backdrop of rapid spread of
bird flu across the country. This deadly disease has already
spread to 37 out of 64 districts of the country and over half
a million poultry have been culled so far. There are 22 crore
poultry birds at 1.5 lakh farms in the country. Bird flu or
avian influenza was detected in 25 poultry farms of 9
districts till the end of January. These figures show that in
a span of about one week the virus has spread rapidly causing
serious concern among all. The agony in this regard
intensified further as a number of crows were found dead in
Chittagong and Dhaka over the last two days owing presumably
to bird flu infection.
Officials say that they are monitoring the situation and
various preventive measures have already been taken to check
the spread of the disease. A special ward has already been
opened at the Institute of Diseases and Chest Hospital in the
city to examine the virus in human body. A good number of
people have been examined but the avian influenza was not
found in the body of any one of them.
It is reassuring that the authorities are alive to the
alarming situation and taking steps to combat the dangerous
disease. However, there is no scope for complacency as the
bird flu virus is deadly and it not only kills the poultry
birds, but also endangers the human life. We hope, all
necessary measures will be taken with utmost seriousness to
arrest the further spread of bird flu. We also hope that the
campaign to create awareness about bird flu among the people
will be stepped up as part of the move to tackle the bird flu
crisis.
Analysis
The Future of Democracy in
Bangladesh
The current head of the caretaker government,
Fakhruddin Ahmed, has promised to get tough on corruption and
violence and to hold free and fair elections as soon as
possible.
Nicholas Howenstein and Pavithra Banavar
Overview of
the Recent Developments
As
mandated under Bangladesh’s constitution, a caretaker
government came to power in October 2006 when the five-year
tenure of the Bangladesh National Party-led government
concluded. The caretaker government then had 90 days to hold
free and fair elections, and Bangladesh’s Election Commission
designated January 22 as the election date. However, an
increasing and serious number of electoral irregularities
since 2005 raised suspicions about the neutrality of the
Election Commission and cast increasing doubt about the
legitimacy of the pending elections. In early January 2007,
the Awami League-led fourteen party alliance announced it
would boycott the elections, claiming that free and fair
elections would not be possible.
At least one panelist noted that the Election Commission did
much to push the Awami League coalition toward their decision.
It published a voter list rife with inaccuracies and ignored a
ruling by the Bangladesh High Court to repair the list. The
Commission also ruled Hussain Muhammad Ershad, a major ally of
Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League, ineligible to participate in the
election. Most observers credit these two events with
triggering the Awami League-led boycott. Following the pullout
of the Awami League alliance, international election
monitoring missions cancelled their observation programs and
the United Nations withdrew its electoral support.
In the wake of those developments, on January 11, 2007 the
caretaker government postponed the elections, declared a state
of emergency, and Iajuddin Ahmed resigned from his post.
Panelists discussed the possible motivation for Iajuddin
Ahmed’s actions and the apparently ill-founded rumors that it
enjoyed some level of support from the international
community. One speaker drew attention to a statement issued by
the United Nations Resident Coordinator in Bangladesh.1 This
document expressed concern about the deteriorating political
situation in Bangladesh and cautioned the army against
supporting a one-sided election, as doing so might affect
their future participation in lucrative UN peacekeeping
operations. The military leadership reportedly presented this
document to Iajuddin Ahmed as justification for their
intervention and their concomitant demand that the election be
postponed. Some panelists saw this justification as
disingenuous at best since the UN clearly did not intend the
army to intervene in this way. One panelist questioned whether
the UN has procedural means to bar the Bangladesh army en
masse from peacekeeping operations.
The current head of the caretaker government, Fakhruddin
Ahmed, has promised to get tough on corruption and violence
and to hold free and fair elections as soon as possible. His
claims notwithstanding, most observers’ doubt that elections
will happen any time soon because the stated pre-conditions
for rescheduling elections are difficult to attain. Among
them: a restructured Election Commission; a clear and accurate
voter registration list; and most problematic, the
promulgation of a voter registration card process. The
panelists believed that such identification cards could not be
developed and implemented within a year. In fact, most
round-table participants believed it would take several years
to accomplish. Most importantly, given that the constitutional
tenure of the caretaker government has lapsed, the interim
government rests on shaky constitutional grounds. Any
initiatives that will prolong the return to democracy risk
increasing destabilization.
Currently the army and the security forces are deeply involved
in mass arrests in Bangladesh, ostensibly in the service of
the government and its state of emergency. Since Fakhruddin
Ahmed took over, tens of thousands have been arrested and
several dozen people have died. Many political leaders and
ministers have been detained in a much-lauded
“anti-corruption” campaign. One roundtable participant
contended that this crackdown has resulted in severe human
rights violations, which require immediate redress. Another
participant decried any efforts to grant security forces
immunity for their actions, as happened earlier during
Operation Clean Heart.
Despite these concerns, another presenter observed that while
the state of emergency has coincided with human rights abuses,
the alternative to the army’s intervention could have been far
more severe. Had the caretaker government overseen a dubious
election, the opposition had vowed to take to the streets
perhaps sparking even greater violence.
Implications for Democracy in Bangladesh
Opinions on the gravity of the situation varied greatly. One
panel member looked at the situation from an historical
perspective and noted that past military interventions in
Bangladesh have all seen power returned to civilian hands. In
fact, the current military intervention lacks the period of
strict martial law that historically preceded the return to
civilian control. This panelist sees an army that is readily
willing to turn power over to a civilian body. This could
change, however, should the military acquire a taste for
power. However, the army understands that running Bangladesh
is a difficult job and is not interested in taking on that
task. Moreover, this participant argued that as an
institution, the army is much more concerned about its
international image than are the civilian political leaders.
This will deter the army from embracing options such as
martial law.
Representatives of the human rights community, however, argued
that the situation is much more worrisome. According to one
panelist, since 2002 the BNP government has deployed military
police and Rapid Action Battalions (RAB) in the name of
protecting citizens and fighting crime. The government has not
held the offending military and police personnel accountable,
and consequently extra-judicial executions, arbitrary arrests,
torture, and forced confessions are common. The unelected
interim government retains the ability to deploy military and
RAB forces with little oversight and accountability.
One panelist specifically cautioned that the current situation
affords the military and police forces the requisite
protection to carry out these human rights violations
impunity. While these human rights concerns are valid, they
are not the only considerations when evaluating the role that
RAB plays in Bangladesh’s security environment. The RAB is,
for better or for worse, the only counter-terrorism force in
the country. As such, it cannot be isolated or marginalized
given the intense U.S. concerns about Islamist terrorism in
Bangladesh. The international community needs to find ways of
working with RAB despite its numerous shortcomings because of
its counter-terrorism role. One audience member noted that
U.S. laws, such as the Leahy Amendment, make working with RAB
very difficult because that law forbids the U.S. to train
security personnel who have been credibly accused of human
rights violations.
The developments that have unfolded during this crisis likely
will have numerous consequences for the future of Bangladesh’s
democracy and political fabric. It is too early to say how the
two mainstream political parties, the Bangladesh National
Party and the Awami League, will fare under the sustained
efforts to arrest political party activists. Some panelists
and attendees expressed concern that Bangladesh’s Islamist
parties will benefit from the emerging power vacuum and from
the army’s likely efforts to buttress its legitimacy by
appropriating Islam.
Moreover, the current governance situation will likely have an
effect on multilateral donors’ decision-making. One speaker
reminded the audience that donors are hesitant to make loans
to countries that lack a functioning parliament because
parliaments typically ratify such agreements. Should the
current governance structure preclude desired loans, the
interim government may feel pressure to call parliamentary
elections. Given the governance challenges, one speaker
wondered how long the interim administration could sustain
itself with just a team of ten advisors and no sitting
parliament. Indeed, the fragility and vulnerability of the
caretaker government derives from the fact that there is no
popularly elected legislature. While the public appears to
support the military’s intervention at present, this could
change should the army sustain its interference in governance
and should the interim government defer the restoration of
democracy.
There is evidence that this intervention was met with public
support, but the panel questioned how long the public will
remain patient. This is due to a number of recent changes in
Bangladeshi society. Since the mid-1990s, Bangladesh’s middle
class has grown and become increasingly vocal about its own
economic interests. Bangladesh’s civil society has also grown
stronger and is more capable of challenging the government. A
vibrant business class has emerged that is increasingly
interested in securing Bangladesh’s business environment.
Finally, while Bangladesh’s media has been deeply polarized
historically, more independent and neutral media outlets and
journalists have emerged who are willing to challenge the
government. These factors suggest that Bangladeshis may grow
weary of the military more quickly than in the past. The
military may not be able to maintain its legitimacy if it
remains in power indefinitely. One speaker observed that
should widespread demonstrations take place as democracy is
denied, the army would likely retreat to its barracks. This
speaker doubted that the army would be willing to take up arms
against the general public should it be called upon to quell
an uprising.
Courses of Action to Restore Democracy
Roundtable participants laid out several benchmarks to
establish Bangladesh’s course back to a democratically elected
government, specifically:
Lift the state of emergency and re-establish civil
liberties. These steps need to take place notwithstanding
any public support the current military-backed government
enjoys. The military intervention prevented what certainly
would have been flawed elections, but the panelists all agreed
that civil liberties, freedom of speech, and freedom of the
press must be restored.
Expand transparency in electoral process. Panelists
called for a greater degree of general transparency in the
electoral process. Presenters argued that voter registration
and voters’ identification cards are the most crucial issues.
However, they voiced concern over the timeline for
establishing a reliable voter identification system. Setting
up an identification card program will be a very drawn out
process and may be a ruse to delay restoration of democracy.
Such delays may strain the public’s patience with the interim
administration.
Military must return to their barracks. Several
panelists also expressed concern about the current and future
role of the military. Most panelists believed that the army
“needs to return to the barracks.” One presenter specifically
called for an end to arbitrary arrests and for the caretaker
government to rein in the military and the police.
Human rights abuses must stop and perpetrators held
accountable. One panelist stressed the numerous human
rights abuses perpetrated by the security services. The
speaker urged the caretaker government to issue a public
statement denouncing these abuses and to refrain from passing
legislation that would render abusers immune to prosecution.
The interim administration must send the message that it will
no longer tolerate the impunity with which the security
services act.
Means of Suasion
In a grim assessment, one speaker described the current
situation as a “serious policy dilemma” for the international
community. Apart from exhortation, panelists and participants
alike agreed that there are few tools that the international
community can use to compel Dhaka to restore parliamentary
democracy, improve governance and justice provision, diminish
the politicization of the bureaucracies, restrain Islamist
militants, and improve law and order. Limited options
notwithstanding, all members of the panel agreed that the
donor governments should make an active effort to get
Bangladesh’s democracy back on the right track.
Historically, Bangladesh has responded to exhortation by the
international community. But the donor countries must develop
and employ a unified voice to achieve maximum effect in Dhaka.
In this regard, one panelist positively noted that there had
been a coherent push from the international community over the
past six to eight months regarding the then-scheduled January
2007 elections. Panelists urged donor countries to resist
funding problematic aspects of the interim government’s agenda
such as the voters’ registration card. Noting the importance
of unity, one panelist expressed concern that different
countries held different views on key issues such as the voter
identification card. While many countries declined to fund it,
the Chinese government has offered to support this program.
Finally, the panelists and the audience believe that the
members of a unified international community should focus on
the electoral process and broader systemic institutional
problems. In other words, there should be a focus on
“institutionalizing reform.” One option would be to focus on
the political parties and push for internal reforms and
political party laws. Panelists generally concurred that this
reform can happen only with the involvement of the parties.
Any efforts towards reform that exclude the parties will be
reversed as soon as the political parties regain their power.
While recognizing the need for parties, panelists were
cognizant that the parties themselves are the real barriers to
reform. The parties themselves are not democratic. Party
leaders are not elected by party members and both the Awami
League and the Bangladesh National Party operate as de facto
dynasties under their strong and entrenched leadership
structures with little will or ability to aggregate interests.
(This report details the proceedings of a symposium to
consider the significance of recent political developments in
Bangladesh, convened by the Center for Conflict Analysis and
Prevention and the United States Institute of Peace.
Source:www.usip.org)
Opinion
Political parties
and student organisations
The proposed political reforms address this issue seriously
and draw a demarcation line between political parties and
student organisations .
As
the government, the Election Commission, different political
parties, social organisations and the civil society are vocal
for reforms in politics the issue as to what should be the
relations between the political parties and student
organisations should get serious consideration. Because, It is
an open secret that most politicians want the student
organisations to play in their hands according to their needs.
But the people in general are against the students being used
or exploited by political parties to serve their purposes.
There are many who think that the students should keep
themselves aloof from politics and concentrate on studies
alone. Some of them even plead for banning student politics.
But in our country participation of students in politics is a
long-standing tradition. In fact, many glorious chapters of
our national history have been written by the students with
their bloods. In this country, there were days when students
used to lead the nation and the political parties would play
the supportive role. The students played a pioneer role in all
historic movements beginning from the Language Movement to the
Liberation War. In fact students started the Language Movement
and politicians joined it while people extended their support
to it subsequently. The same was the case with several other
movements. That was the glorious period of student politics in
the country. People then had unshakable confidence in the
leadership of the students. They believed that the students
would never betray with the cause of the people. And in the
past student leadership did their best to honour this
confidence.
But, the golden age of student politics and the rare
importance it enjoyed are gone. Because, nowadays most of the
student organisations are controlled by political parties and
working under their guidance and instruction. Today, a student
organisation hardly plays any independent role beyond the line
and strategy set by the political party it is affiliated to.
Most of the political leaders want the student parties to work
as their front organisations, obviously, to serve their
purposes. And the student organisations are doing it for
reasons known to all. This is perhaps one of the main reasons
for the decay and decline of student politics and violence on
the campus.
It pains the people to observe that student organisations are
toeing with the political parties blindly. In the past
students used to struggle for the realisation of their own
demands or the national cause. But today these organisations
sometimes jump in the streets even on such issues which have
no direct bearing on the student community. Worse still, most
of the student organisations work either for the political
government in power or for the opposition instead of
concentrating on the causes of the students.
This trend should end. The political parties should stop using
student organisations as their tools to attain political goal
while the student organisations should refrain from playing in
the hands of the politicians. They should prepare themselves
like in the past to lead the nation in their struggle for
greater causes. So, it will be an appropriate step if the
proposed political reforms address this issue seriously and
draw a demarcation line between political parties and student
organisations to stop using students for political purposes.
Istiaque Hassan
Journalist, Dhaka
Viewpoints
Understanding
Kenya’s Politics
Widespread corruption has further eroded public trust in
political institutions. Kenya ranked 150 out of 180 countries
on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index
Stephanie
Hanson
Introduction
Until
late 2007, Kenya was considered one of the most stable
countries in Africa. It has functioned as East Africa’s
financial and communications hub, the headquarters of many
international nongovernmental organizations, and a magnet for
tourism. Analysts looked favorably upon its healthy and
broad-based economic expansion under President Mwai Kibaki,
which stood in marked contrast to the growth of countries such
as Angola and Equatorial Guinea that depend on the export of a
single commodity—oil. Yet disputed elections in late December
2007 spurred outbreaks of violence across the country that
killed more than six-hundred people. That prompted some fears
that Kenya would split on tribal lines and descend into
prolonged unrest. Experts say such a scenario is unlikely, but
also suggest that prior depictions of Kenya’s stability were
premature. Kenya is a young democracy, they say, and its weak
institutions—not inherent ethnic divisions—are at the root of
the current political crisis.
The Power of the President
In Kenya, most institutions—including the judiciary,
parliament, and the electoral commission—are subservient to
the president. The president appoints high court judges and
electoral commissioners, has the power to dissolve parliament,
and controls the federal budget. The extent of presidential
power is a holdover from the colonial period, experts say, and
has changed little since independence in 1963. For instance,
the president still appoints provincial and district
commissioners, who oversee municipal services such as
education, health, and transportation. David Anderson,
director of the African Studies Center at Oxford University,
says these commissioners function like a “shadow government
entirely in the control of the president.” Districts known to
be supportive of the opposition party, or with opposition
parliamentarians, tend to receive fewer resources than those
controlled by the ruling party, he says.
Members of parliament are elected by the general population
but parliament has little power to address public grievances.
When voters realize elected officials aren’t going to address
their concerns about social and economic inequality, this
leads them to distrust institutions and produces a “sense of
disempowerment and disillusionment,” says Calestous Juma, a
Kenyan professor of international development at Harvard
University. The electoral commission’s inability to resolve
disputes over the legitimacy of vote tabulation following
December 2007 elections served as further evidence that
Kenya’s political institutions could not be considered
independent.
Widespread corruption has further eroded public trust in
political institutions. Kenya ranked 150 out of 180 countries
on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index,
the same ranking as the Democratic Republic of Congo and
Liberia, both of which recently emerged from civil war. The
Kenya Bribery Index 2007, published by the Kenya branch of
Transparency International, reported than Kenyans paid twice
as many bribes in 2006 (PDF) as the previous year, but noted
that the total sum paid by each person remained the same
because each bribe was smaller.
Parliament has made efforts to fight corruption. In the past
five years, it has made “enormous strides” in establishing a
committee system, which includes oversight committees, says
Joel D. Barkan, senior associate at the Center for Strategic
and International Studies and professor emeritus of political
science at the University of Iowa. Advocates of further reform
note that parliament is still expected to rubber stamp the
executive branch’s budget, and lacks the ability to review the
president’s judicial and cabinet appointments.
Winner Take All: A History of Political Violence
Experts say elections are dominated by a winner-take-all
mentality due to the consolidation of power in the executive
branch. Though Kenya has had multiparty elections since 1992,
the opposition has little power in the government. “If you
lose the election, you have nothing to do,” says Anderson. As
a result, opposition MPs often don’t even show up to conduct
the business of parliament, he says.
Because elections are such high-stakes affairs, political
candidates are accustomed to hiring groups of young, armed men
to protect their interests (this practice is also common in
Nigeria). Each poll since the introduction of multiparty
elections—in 1992, 1997, and 2002—has been accompanied by
low-level outbreaks of violence. Most experts trace this
violence back to tactics that President Daniel arap Moi, who
led the country from 1978 until 2002, used to divide the
population and retain political power. “When Western donors
compelled Moi to institute multiparty politics, his reaction
was to make a prophecy that it would end in ethnic violence,”
says Anderson. While there was not a history of ethnic
violence under British rule, colonial officials fostered
divisions among Kenya’s ethnic groups to prevent them from
uniting against their rulers.
Experts say this ethnic tension was stoked and manipulated by
Moi. Kenya has forty-one different ethnic groups; the Kikuyu,
with 22 percent of the population, is the most educated and
prosperous group. When Moi, who is Kalenjin, faced the
prospect of losing power to an opposition party that contained
many Kikuyu, he started an anti-Kikuyu campaign and incited
land clashes in the Rift Valley between Kalenjins and Kikuyus
in 1992 and 1997. Major rights groups such as Human Rights
Watch and Amnesty International have reported extensively on
the state-sponsored nature of this violence.
By the 2002 election of President Mwai Kibaki, who is Kikuyu,
such political violence had become routine. According to
Afrobarometer (PDF), an independent research project on public
opinion in sub-Saharan Africa, 66 percent of Kenyans said in
2005 that competition between political parties “often” or
“always” leads to violent conflict (up from 54 percent in
2003).
Political and Economic Tensions with an Ethnic Face
News reports were quick to label the violence that followed
December 2007 presidential elections as tribal, but some
experts say this is a gross oversimplification. Contrary to
prevailing attitudes, Kenyans have not traditionally
identified themselves by ethnic group and studies have shown
they do not have significant feelings of ethnic injustice. In
a 2003 Afrobarometer survey, 70 percent said they would choose
to be Kenyan if faced with a choice between a national
identity and their ethnic group (28 percent refused to
identify themselves as anything but Kenyan). Analysts say much
of the unrest that erupted after the December 2007 polls was
just the latest display of politically organized violence.
Political coalitions on both sides hired thugs to do their
bidding, and ordinary Kenyans were caught in the cross fire,
they say.
Though much of Kenya’s ethnic violence can be attributed to
political manipulation, there are economic inequalities
between some ethnic groups, and long-standing bitter disputes
over land, particularly in the Rift Valley. According to the
2007/2008 UN Human Development Index, Kenya ranks 148 of 177
countries on income inequality. Many Kenyans believe the
Kikuyu have accrued a disproportionate percentage of the
benefits of Kenya’s recent economic growth. The head of the
Nairobi Stock exchange, the Central Bank of Kenya, and Kenya
Electric Generating Company, the region’s largest power
generator, are all Kikuyu (Bloomberg). These are “economic
issues that get reflected through ethnic institutions,” says
Harvard’s Juma.
Because Kenya’s political system concentrates power in the
hands of the president and his political cronies, it only
exacerbates these economic inequalities, experts say. A book
on inequality in Kenya, published by the Nairobi-based Society
for International Development, says there is evidence that
political patronage in Kenya’s public spending has increased
economic and regional inequalities (PDF). The president of the
African Development Bank, Donald Kaberuka, told the Financial
Times that the inequality issue is a chief source of Kenya’s
problems, saying: “40 percent of [Kenya’s] people live in
urban areas and many of them in slums. This is where this
volatility arising from inequalities comes from.”
Constitutional Reform
There is broad consensus within and outside Kenya that the
country needs constitutional reforms that strengthen local
government and rectify regional resource imbalances. There has
been a push for such reforms since 1991, and some experts say
the current political stalemate offers an opportunity to
catalyze action. “If we don’t create a new constitutional
order, we will have even a bigger crisis in the future,” says
Juma. Others think there is a short-term opportunity for
incremental reforms, including establishing an independent
electoral commission and eliminating the president’s power to
dissolve parliament. These could be combined with an agreement
on basic constitutional principles, says Barkan.
Most interested parties, save for the president and his
advisers, agree that power should be shifted from the
executive branch to strengthen the judiciary and parliament.
But experts disagree on how to achieve that shift, and what
other elements are necessary for effective constitutional
reform. Some, including the opposition party led by Raila
Odinga, argue for a system of governance with a federalist
character, somewhat like Nigeria. Others recommend a system of
subsidiarity, in which decisions are made at the provincial
level and coordinated with the central government. Juma
cautions that if power is decentralized, local capacity must
be built up. “If you decentralize administration but not
competence, these regions will continue to be poor,” he says.
He believes that constitutional reforms should be preceded by
a long-term economic growth plan for the country.
How to initiate constitutional reforms in the current
political climate remains unclear. Juma suggests the
attorney-general, who has the security of tenure and is the
legal adviser to all branches of government, could spearhead a
reform process. Anderson says the Kibaki-Odinga stalemate
could “rumble on for months and months and months. While this
happens the economy will slip down the tubes.”
Prospects for the Future
Kenyans see democracy and economic growth as inextricably
linked. Their main aspiration for democracy, according to
Afrobarometer, is that it will create more equitable
distribution of economic opportunity (PDF). For Kenya’s
economy to take off, it must distribute power among ethnic
groups. “Kenya could be a shining example,” says Barkan. “But
it could unravel further politically and the economy could
become moribund.” Juma believes for regional imbalances to be
addressed, the country needs to upgrade its infrastructure. He
suggests that a large-scale government employment scheme,
structured like the New Deal in the 1930s United States, could
employ youth to do this.
Most experts see a limited role for international actors such
as the United States and the European Union in Kenya’s
political future. Despite recent turmoil, the country has a
vibrant media, a thriving civil society, and an economy
that—prior to the election crisis—was on the upswing. It is
not dependent on international aid. Thus democratization “can
only go as fast as the locals can go,” says Barkan. Fallout
from the December elections will likely slow this process, but
to what degree is unknown. The tourism industry has already
taken a significant hit, and the Economist Intelligence Unit
says that foreign investors may be loath to pour funds into
Kenya “over the medium rather than just the short term.”
(The author is a News Editor for Council for Foreign
Relations. Source: www.cfr.org)
Interesting and important
Hillary Clinton and Barack
Obama, in fact, agree on many issues, but it is their
differences (and not so much their policy differences) that
contribute to making this election so very interesting.
James J.
Zogby
It's
often been said that this November's presidential contest "will
be the most important election in our lifetime". This is not
hyperbole.
Given the mess that President George W. Bush will leave, and not
only in the Middle East, the next president will face monumental
challenges at home and abroad. The mess includes the instability
and security challenges that now define much of the Middle East
(especially in Iraq, Lebanon and Palestine), the vulnerability
felt by many of America's long-time allies and diminished
respect for the US worldwide.
At home, there is also a broken economy and a loss of public
confidence in government. Given all this, it will be an
important election, with real choices before American voters.
That much is self-evident. What we didn't anticipate, however,
was just how interesting an election this would be - interesting
on both the Democratic and Republican sides of the contest.
Watching the debate last Thursday night, for example, one could
not help but be struck by the fact that the two Democratic
candidates left standing were a woman and the son of an African
immigrant. Gone are the governors and senators of long standing.
Remaining are two rather junior senators, either of whom, should
they win, would represent a first in the Oval Office.
Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, in fact, agree on many issues,
but it is their differences (and not so much their policy
differences) that contribute to making this election so very
interesting. Both have political ideals, to be sure, and both
are practitioners of hardball politics (or they wouldn't be
where they are). Nevertheless, it is fair to say, with Clinton
running on her experience and Obama running on his judgement and
his commitment to "bringing people together", there is a
difference in not just style but also political orientation.
Clinton receives rave reviews for her effectiveness and her
mastery of the subject matter of legislation. Obama, on the
other hand, is the subject of praise for the degree to which he
has inspired a new generation with idealism and hope. Seeing
television commercials with images of Kennedys morphing into
this junior senator from Illinois say it all.
On the Republican side, an equally interesting contest of
contrasts is under way. At the last Republican debate, what was
once a group of nine is now but four white men (no contrast
here), three considered as having a chance to win. Each
represents distinct and divergent wing of the Republican Party,
with appeal in specific regions in the country, and each is
regarded with mistrust from the other wings of the party.
Most intriguing of all is the resurgence of John McCain. In the
summer of 2007, the popular wisdom saw his campaign as dead, but
he is now the leading candidate in the national polls. McCain is
the last of a generation of Americans whose lives were defined
by honour and shame, by duty and service. He often speaks in
language such as this when he describes his military service,
his time as a prisoner of war in Vietnam, his time in the US
Senate and now, in what he calls his "final mission", this run
for the White House.
He is an unreconstructed defence hawk who speaks in sometimes
frightening language of "the transcendental conflict of our
lifetime, which is this battle against Islamic extremism",
suggesting that this will last at least into the next century.
But on other matters, McCain is moderate, and often a thorn in
the side of the Republican establishment, as when he challenges
them on budget deficits, campaign finance abuse, immigration and
their sometimes extreme partisanship.
Challenging McCain is Mitt Romney, once the liberal governor of
Massachusetts, now darling of the conservative set. As
remarkable as his political makeover has been, even more
remarkable is the degree to which it has been accepted by the
conservative movement. This is probably due more to its fear of
McCain than anything else.
Next in line is the religiously conservative former governor
Mike Huckabee, who bears impeccable credentials on matters of
"social values" but who is also feared by the economic
conservatives for his belief that the government has a role in
pursuing social justice.
Now comes Super Tuesday, the date on which 24 states hold
contests that will involve about half of the American
electorate. Once thought to be the date on which the elections
will finally be decided, it now appears more likely that when
the dust settles on Wednesday morning, the contest will still be
alive.
Clinton, once the prohibitive favourite in many states, is now
being challenged by a surging Obama, buoyed by his early
victories and major endorsements. While Clinton is still
expected to win her share of states, Obama will no doubt win
some, as well. Moreover, given the way that Democrats allocate
delegates based on the proportion of votes received, it is
likely that neither Clinton nor Obama will emerge with a clear
victory. And so it will be onto the next round of states.
So, too, on the Republican side, where the ideological
differences between the candidates will show up in the states
and regions of the country where they are expected to do well.
McCain will dominate on the two coasts where moderate
Republicans are strongest. Huckabee is expected to do well in
several southern states where conservative Christians are
strongest. Romney, bowed but not beaten, will win his share of
voters, including those in the west where his Mormon church is
headquartered.
This election was supposed to be over shortly after it started.
It now appears that voters in states whose primaries are in late
February and March, who once thought their votes would not
matter, may end up being the deciding voice.
This election is important but, more than that, it is also
interesting.
Source: www.jordantimes.com
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